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Background and History of Afghanistan:
United States Policy in Afghanistan (1989-2001)
The United States policy towards Afghanistan has taken several
distinct phases in the last two decades. Throughout the 1980s
when Afghan Mujaheen fought the Soviet army, the United States government
was heavily involved in Afghanistan affairs. The CIA, through the
Pakistani ISI and military intelligence, funneled billions of dollars
in economics and military aid to the Afghan Mujahedeen. Among the
chief beneficiaries was the Hezb-e Islamic force, headed by Gulbeddin
Hekmatyar and responsible for some of worst atrocities of the civil
war. Despite the fact that the U.S. was clearly aware of extensive
human rights violations by factions it aided, there is no evidence
that any action was taken by the U.S. to prohibit Pakistan from
distributing aid to the worst of the resistance forces or to criticize
the Pakistani ISI for participating in abuses.
After the complete withdrawal of Soviet army from Afghan soil and
the subsequent collapse of the Soviet Empire, thus end of the Cold
War, the United States policy towards Afghanistan faded away and
Washingtons support for the insurgents ended. Suddenly, the
entire international community walked away from Afghanistan and
without a transitional government, Kabul fell on the hands of seven
loosely united and heavily armed warring factions and their regional
supporters. In an interview with CNN, Robert Gate, then CIA director
said, Afghanistan was a battle field between the United States
and the Soviet Union, now that the battle is ended, we have other
agendas and other countries in mind and Afghanistan is not one of
them. The United States ignored Afghanistan for a decade allowing
its regional allies, namely Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, to take advantage
of the political vacuum created by the US retreat. Regional observers
believe that the US strategic absence between 1992-1994 allowed
the regional powers to support the competing warlords thereby intensifying
the civil war.
Between 1994-1996, the U.S. supported the Taliban politically through
its allies, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, for two reasons. The groups
initial professed intention to clean up the drug trade was of interest,
as was its anti-Iran stance. Perhaps most importantly, the Taliban
appeared to be the faction most likely to provide security for an
oil and gas pipeline project proposed by the U.S. Petroleum Company
UNOCAL. UNOCAL officials applauded the fall of Kabul to the Taliban
and expressed their eagerness to do business with the regime. Despite
evidence of reported human rights abuses such as after the capture
of Herat in 1995, Taliban authorities threw out thousands of girls
and women from school and workforce. The United States not only
remained silent, but also continued its support by allowing Pakistan
and Saudi to back up Taliban in their conquest to capture Kabul.
In September of 1996, the fall of Kabul was welcomed and applauded
by the US State Department and some members of the US Congress and
Senate. Disregarding the severe oppression of women and the massive
violations of human rights by the Taliban, the US officials were
ready to talk with the groups leaders and the plan to re-open
the American Embassy in Kabul was on the way.
The U.S. position during the Talibans early years is also
evident from the remarks of the Assistant Secretary of State for
South Asian Affairs, Ms. Robin Raphel. In a statement in November
1996 at a United Nations meeting she said, Despite nearly
universal misgivings about the Taliban, it must be acknowledged
as a significant factor in the Afghan equation and one that will
not simply disappear any time soon. The Taliban control more than
two-thirds of the country; they are Afghan, they are indigenous,
they have demonstrated staying power. The reasons they have succeeded
so far have little to do with military prowess or outside military
assistance. Indeed, when they have engaged in truly serious fighting,
the Taliban have not fared so well. The real source of their success
has been the willingness of many Afghans, particularly Pashtuns,
to tacitly trade unending fighting and chaos for a measure of peace
and security, even with severe social restrictions...It is not the
interest of Afghanistan or any of us here that the Taliban be isolated.
This notion that the Taliban offered peace and that the Afghan
people welcomed them, notwithstanding its price, was a flawed analysis
of Afghanistan under the Taliban. A 1998 health and human rights
survey of women living under the Taliban indicated, this was not
the perception shared by Afghan women themselves. Women were overwhelmingly
horrified by the Taliban and its repressive rule, and many indicated
that the period of civil war and rocketing was preferable to a life
of begging, hunger, virtual house arrest, imprisonment, and enforced
wearing of the burqa. Moreover, Raphels insistence that the
Taliban were indigenous, and the implication that they
achieved power because of popular support was proved null by the
clear record of military, economic, and political support provided
by Pakistan.
In late 1997, as the Taliban consolidated their control, their
gross abuses, particularly against women, and failure to make good
on promises to crack down on the drug trade, their glow appeared
to fade in Washington. With Madeleine Albrights appointment
as Secretary of State in 1997, and the replacement of Raphel with
Ambassador Karl (Rick) Inderfurth, U.S. position toward Taliban
changed and criticism of the Taliban accelerated. Secretary Albrights
visit to an Afghan refugee camp in November 1997, and her strong
speech condemning Talibans abuses of women and children, were
a clear break with past American policy. The Secretary not only
championed the rights of women and girls but went on to say ...we
do not believe that the Taliban are in a position to occupy all
of Afghanistan.
The Talibans close association with the Saudi millionaire,
Osama Bin Laden, whom American intelligence agencies saw as the
mastermind behind the bombing of American Embassies in Kenya and
Tanzania in August of 1998, further soured Washington on the Taliban.
Following the Embassy bombings, the US fired 70 cruise missiles
to destroy all Bin Ladens training camps in Southern Afghanistan.
Subsequently, the CIA offered a $5million reward for Bin Ladens
capture and the Clinton administration banned all U.S. trade and
investment in Afghanistan. From 1998 on, despite intense pressure
from the United States government, the Taliban authorities repeatedly
refused to hand over Bin Laden, or to expel him to a third country
where he could be brought to justice. Talibans supreme leader
declared that Bin Laden was a guest in Afghanistan and that the
Taliban would never expel him. After 1998 bombing of the two US
Embassies in Africa, the US twisted its position on Taliban-- denouncing
them and their Pakistani supporters. Since 1998, US foreign policy
on Afghanistan was revolved around a single issue: capturing Osama
Bin Laden. In October of 1999, the UN Security Council adapted a
US-sponsored resolution, imposing sanctions on the Taliban unless
they turned Bin Laden over within 30 days. The Taliban made some
attempts to avoid the sanctions, but they did not comply with the
UN Security Council's demand. Despite US efforts, the Taliban did
not only continue, but also deepened their relationship with Osama
Bin Ladin and his terrorist networks.
Despite repeat cautions from regional experts-- unless Afghanistan
moves towards peace, many more Bin Ladens would be trained there,
destabilizing the region and jeopardizing the US national the security
and security of the world as a whole-- the US chose to do little
to restore peace and security in Afghanistan.
Then the September 11 terrorist attacks happened and resulted in
a sudden shift of US policy towards Afghanistan and the Taliban.
Notwithstanding Talibans lack of cooperation in the past,
the US was negotiating with the radical group leaders, days before
the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington. Regional experts
believe that the US had promised the Taliban a long term support
and assistance in return for their cooperation.
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Current Developments
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